Settlement of Yakima Washington: Historical Narrative Writing and graphic Presentation

Then and Now:  How Yakama Became Yakima
The written component of a term research project  for History 215- Pacific Northwest History, Spring 2011, accompanied by a graphic presentation.

click here to view supplemental Powerpoint presentation



North Yakima depot circa 1890 (Yakima Herald-Republic Archives) 

Abstract:
The Yakima Valley first saw European-American settlement in the 1850s when a mission was built at the invitation of the people living there. Their leaders saw partnership with the coming immigrants as a consolation to keeping their home to themselves, as it became clear that settlement was a formidable tide that could be weathered, but not turned. Perhaps the Yakama hoped this proactive participation would allow them some control, but their hope for autonomy deteriorated to mere hope for survival.  It was the partnership of industry and government that ultimately shaped the outcome for the valley. The marriage of railroads, canals and hydroelectric power established the means to maximize and extract the region’s wealth, and was indispensible in maintaining the expanding American empire. By revisiting this sequence of events one can better understand the choices and priorities of the people who shaped this region, and its emergence as a dominant agricultural supplier for the world.

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I. It Takes a Nation to build a mission : Yakima’s first European-American settlement
II. Tale of Two Cities: a People share their name
III. Railroads, canals and shenanigans: the Free Farmland Shell Game
IV. Growing in agriculture: Yakima’s emergence as a world production center 
V. Culture clashes and international doings: workforce demographics in the 20^th century 

It Takes a Nation to Build a Mission
In 1839, prominent Yakama tribesman Kamiakin began to solicit for a mission. Oregon Territory Protestants, Henry and Eliza Spalding and Marcus and Narcissa Whitman, of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (ABCFM) declined to assist him, so in 1847 he sought the help of the Catholic Church in Walla Walla. Kamiakin offered his patronage to the Church to build near his main summer home on Ahtanum Creek, in what is now Yakima County.  St. Joseph became the first Euro-American settlement in the region, headed by Father Charles Pandosy (Splawn 1944; Becker 2003:5285).  At the invitation of Kamiakin and his brother, fellow Yakama Chief Ow-hi (Glassley 1953: 110), the Oblates of Mary Immaculate also established several other small missions throughout Yakima Valley beginning in 1848, and around 1850 the main mission at Ahtanum was erected on the Aleshecas site (Baeder 1937:1; Becker 2003:5285). The first irrigation ditches in the valley were dug at the mission by the Fathers and Kamiakin, who came to be an enthusiastic gardener. In much the same way as in other Oregon Territory settlements, the Catholics had better luck cohabitating with the Natives than did the Methodists and other Protestants.  According to Church records, in the eight years the missionaries worked at St. Joseph, the priests “succeeded in converting four hundred thirty-four souls” (Kowrach 1992:39), a much better rate than the Whitmans ever realized at Waiilatpu (Jeffrey VII: 143; Schwantes 1996: 90).

Kamiakin is not only remembered for helping to establish what became Yakima or for his affinity with farming; he was also a reluctant player in the signing of the Great Council at Walla Walla, where 14 tribes ceded over 10 million acres under duress to Territorial Governor Isaac Stevens (Becker 2006: 7651). The treaty, signed in 1855, set in motion the confining of several Columbia Plateau native groups to what is now the Yakama Nation. This, combined with the discovery of gold in the Upper Columbia, led to increasing tensions and ultimately the Yakima Wars of 1855-1858 (Becker 2006:7651).

On September 23, 1855, U.S. Indian Subagent Andrew Jackson Bolon was killed by 3 Yakama men when he came to investigate the murders of trespassing white miners in the Yakima Reservation, on their way to search for gold in the Colville district (Glassley 1953: 111; Wilma 2007: 8118).  In October, a campaign lasting several months began in which the U.S. Army, along with Oregon and Washington volunteers under the direction of Major Gabriel J. Rains of  Fort Vancouver, waged war on Kamiakin and his followers (Wilma 2007: 8124). One particularly dramatic event in this four year period was the razing of St. Joseph’s Mission.

St. Joseph was burned down during the Yakima Indian Wars in 1855, but unlike Waiilatpu, where the Whitmans met their demise at the hands of the Cayuse, this damage was inflicted by the US military upon a Church and its congregation. The Oblates had established a sympatic community   with the Yakama, much to the agitation of the Union. Under authority of Rains, 700 troops pursued the Yakama army to St. Joseph, with Kamiakin’s men covering the flanks of the retreating elders, women, children, and missionaries, as the Oblates and their congregation fled the site. The soldiers arrived at the mission to find it vacated; however, the livestock, gardens and personal affects of the church personnel were still there. Rains appropriated the garden produce and the Brothers’ swine herd for his army. Cut Mouth John, a Wasco scout for the Army, was said to have pilfered the personal letters and belongings of the Oblates, “much to the disgust of Rains” (Wilma 2007:8124; Becker 2005: 7496). In the garden of the mission they found a partially filled keg of gunpowder. This was their proof of Pandosy’s corroboration with the enemy; the volunteers looted the residence, tore lumber from the buildings until they no longer stood, and burned the rubble along with the nearby Oblate Church, Holy Cross (Becker 2003: 5285).

Later, at an inquiry, the official position was that Rains had not, in fact, suspected the Oblates of Indian sympathies, and the powder-keg accusation was even refuted by General Grant himself (Baeder 1937). Nonetheless, all Catholic missions in the area were suspended until 1868. The next spring, the Army established Fort Simcoe between the reservation and the Columbia River, effectively cutting the Yakama off from their fishing grounds. In October 1858 Commander Captain James J. Archer hanged two Yakamas implicated in the killing of Agent Bolon in 1855. These and other executions by the Army, along with the strife of living at war had the desired effect on the Yakama (Becker et al 2003: 5292). After four years of fighting and the loss of all but two of his military leaders (Glassley 1953: 150), Kamiakin and the remnants of his army dispersed to relatives among the Palouse, Walla Walla, and near Moses Lake. Kamiakin was demoralized, and never again returned to his home on the Ahtanum.

On March 3, 1871, President Grant signed the Indian Appropriation Act, which established Natives as national wards and nullified Indian Treaties, as part of his greater Indian Peace Policy (Scaturro: 2006).  As part of the Act, Protestant missionaries and US soldiers were made Indian Agents, acting as local representatives and enforcers of the new standards. Both the rise of the American presence in the new territory and the decreasing hold of foreign influence were apparent when his Policy gave overwhelming Protestant control to the region. Robert Burns wrote in The Jesuits and the Indian Wars of the Northwest that “so arbitrarily did [the Indian Appropriation Act] divide [districts] across denominations that Catholics got not the expected half but merely seven out of eighty-eight” areas of mission control (Burns 1966: 366). As a Jesuit scholar, Burns was understandably opinionated (Ray 1967), but one can agree with his point. The Peace Policy’s intent was not to promote the welfare of the Yakama. The choice by the US government to replace the successful Catholic Missions with the unpopular Protestants’ appears to be less a plan to assist and protect the tribes’ welfare and souls, and more an intent on loosing the hold of foreign interests while assimilating or eradicating the congregations. In the Yakima Valley, Methodist minister J. H. Wilbur became the new Indian Agent (Handbook 1906) and following the St. Joseph debacle, he directly forbade the Fathers from entering the Yakima Reservation. As testament to the Agent’s character, the memoirs of Paiute Sarah Winnemucca Hopkins, nee Thocmentony Shell Flower, document her time at the reservation where Wilbur extorted, enslaved and stole from the Yakama Nation residents under his watch (Hopkins 1883).  

Forbidden by Wilbur to enter the reservation, Father Pandosy was also ordered by Governor Stevens to leave the territory, and the Church agreed to reassign him (DCBO 2000).  He went on to establish missions in the Okanogan Valley of British Columbia (CRHP). With the suspensions of the Oblates, contact with their congregation was substantially hampered. The Church was allowed to rebuild a decade later in 1868, when Yakima’s first apple orchard was planted by Fathers St. Onge and Boulet on the site in 1872 (Baeder: 3). The mission never fully recovered from the Yakama Wars or the Peace Policy’s restrictions, and in the early 1880s, St. Joseph’s Mission was closed (Becker 2003:5285).  At the turn of the century, the Knights of Columbus assumed stewardship of the mission; in 1970 it was placed on the National Register of Historic Places.

Tale of Two Cities
Although Kamiakin was said to have brought cattle to Ahtanum in 1840, cattleman Fielding Mortimer Thorp is generally credited with establishing the first beef herd in Yakima when he drove 250 head into the valley in 1860.  He was the first non-native, non-missionary settler in what would later become Yakima, bringing his wife and children in 1861. There is still a small town that bears the family name in Kittitas Valley on the Yakima River, north of Ellensburg.

In 1863, the Territorial legislature established Ferguson County, which was replaced two years later by modern Yakima and Kittitas counties. By 1870, settlers began calling Thorps’ growing settlement at the confluence of the Yakima River and Ahtanum Creek Yakima City. That same year, it became the county seat, and by 1880, the immigrant population was 400 in town and 2000 in the area (Kershner 2009: 9187; Becker 2003:5312). In 1883, the Northern Pacific Railroad announced that its Cascade Branch would bypass Yakima City and build a station four miles to the northwest of the town, where it had platted a new town-site on railroad land (Oldham 2003: 5237; Schwantes 1996:196).  Some suspected that the railroad was punishing the Yakima City community for not offering kick-backs to offset costs (Schwantes 1996:196).  The official reason given by the railroad was that the ground was unsuitably boggy and situated in a narrow channel between ridges. Additionally, they argued that the layout of the town was too random and unattractive to host their depot (Kershner 2009:9187).

By contrast, North Yakima was planned, in the words of Kershner, “with an eye toward elegance”.  Paul Schulze, the railroad's land manager, laid out the streets according to the plan of his native city, Baden-Baden, Germany. The plats even included a site for a new state capitol (Schwantes 1996:196). Many in Washington expected that with impending statehood, a central location would be chosen for a new capitol. A few years later, the contest between Olympia, Ellensburg, North Yakima and several other towns was indecisive. Before a run-off could be completed Ellensburg suffered a catastrophic fire July 4, 1889. In the second vote in November of 1890, Olympia received 37,413 votes, while Ellensburg and North Yakima received 7722 and 6276 (Becker 2005: 7549).

As the Valley residents came to learn of the plans for a “new” Yakima, many business owners and established residents protested this  heavy-handedness. In response, the Territory of Washington sued Northern Pacific to force the railroad to establish a station in Yakima City.  Although they won the case, most businesses believed that the new town-site was the way of the future, and agreed to let the railroad pay to move their buildings. However, not everyone agreed with that arrangement; in early 1885, a local newspaper office was anonymously bombed in the middle of the night, while it was still on rollers en-route between the two towns (Schwantes 1996:197; Kershner 2009: 9187). Through the winter and spring of 1884-1885, more than 100 businesses relocated to North Yakima, and in 1886 it became the new county seat. At the request of the US Postal Service,  in 1918 the State Legislature changed the name of North Yakima to Yakima, and renamed the original settlement Union Gap (Kershner 2009: 9187). The new Yakima became a large economic center, while Union Gap went the way of other by-passed towns. In a recent ironic twist, the core of downtown Yakima has seen the closing of many major businesses, including Yakima Mall, while Union Gap  now enjoys a renaissance with a newly renovated shopping center (City of Yakima 2005).

Railroads, Canals and Shenanigans
Between 1890 and 1900 Yakima saw rapid growth, with its population more than doubling from 1,535 to 3,154 (State of Washington Office of Financial Management 2011).  Most of the valley’s population was concentrated along the Yakima River, giving farmers the access they needed to supply their crops with many private or loosely affiliated ditches. Irrigation engineer Walter N. Granger had worked on several canal projects in Montana with General John D. McIntyre, a larger-than-life military officer and mining entrepreneur.  In December 1889, Granger, along with investors from St. Paul, Minnesota organized the Yakima Land and Canal Company (YLCC), with Granger as president. Included in this board of investors were Northern Pacific President Thomas Oakes, along with McIntyre and several officials from the railroad (Becker 2006:7695; McIntyre et al 1903). The YLCC stock holdings of one million dollars, divided into 200,000 shares, were used to secure purchase of Yakima Valley land acquired by the Northern Pacific Railroad. The company, renamed the Northern Pacific, Kittitas, and Yakima Irrigation Project, created the Sunnyside Canal, Yakima Valley's first commercial irrigation system (Becker 2006: 7695). 

As a requirement of the 1864 Northern Pacific Land Grant, the railroad had to sell the unused land that it received in federal grants to settlers within five years of the completion of the rail line; additionally, they were obliged to transport goods and troops for the government at a reduced rate. Three months after the survey for the Sunnyside Canal project, Northern Pacific purchased two-thirds of the Yakima Land and Canal Company's stock.  In effect, it legally purchased the improved, profitable land back from itself, basically acquiring the prime irrigated farm land as federal grants. In 1892, the Sunnyside Canal Project began operation, and other private irrigation canals followed. There was no regulation  and the potential for overuse (Becker 2006: 7651). As a result of the 1893 Depression, Northern Pacific withdrew from the Sunnyside Canal Project. In 1900 the Washington Irrigation Company purchased the Sunnyside Canal, and extended it from Sunnyside to Prosser, in the lower Yakima Valley.

The Reclamation Act of 1902 was the beginning for federally controlled dam and irrigation projects in Yakima and the Western states. Under the Yakima Project, the federal government bought up most of the private irrigation systems and incorporated them.  In 1905 the Federal Bureau of Reclamation purchased the enlarged Sunnyside Canal, and became the Sunnyside Division of the Yakima Project, authorized in 1905. The Yakima Project was one of the most ambitious by the Federal Bureau of Reclamation, as one of the largest and earliest in all the western states, and has been in operation since 1910 with nearly 2,100 miles of river-fed irrigation canals (Kershner 2009: 9187).  The Sunnyside Valley Irrigation District (SVID) with almost 100,000 acres and the Roza District’s 72,000 acres are currently the largest of 21 water districts serving the agricultural industry in Yakima County (GYVCC 2006).

Around the same time as these infrastructural improvements, other signals of the turning century’s new face of progress appeared. North Yakima was wired for electricity in 1906, and began operating the Yakima Interurban Trolley System the same year (Kershner 2009: 9187).  The population more than quadrupled between 1900 and 1910, a trend that leveled off to an increase of about 4500 people per decade.  The 1990s saw an increase of approximately 30 percent, from 54,843 to 71,845 (State of Washington Office of Financial Management 2011), and again in  2010 when the  population rose to over 91,000, with a metropolitan population of 243,231 (US Census Bureau 2011). Jobs for these residents are found mostly in agriculture and social services, including city, county, tribal and federal facilities. The region’s hospital and healthcare centers are concentrated in Yakima, and in 2005 ranked as the area’s number one employer. Among the top 20 largest employers, government makes up two-thirds of the jobs (GYCC 2006).


Growing in Agriculture
In 1887, when Henry Pinchwell set out five acres of fruit trees, he established the first commercial orchard in the Yakima Valley, about 15 years after the planting of the first commercial vineyards and hops (Becker 2003: 5274, 5356). Yakima’s prominence as an agricultural giant cannot be overstated; in many ways, it exceeds the output of southern California’s region, and remains the single largest producer of many export crops. According to the Greater Yakima Chamber of Commerce, it is the “most diversified agricultural project in the world, and also one of the most productive, earning it the title, the Fruit Bowl of the Nation”.  As of 2002, over 1.6 million acres were under cultivation in the area (GYVCC 2006; Becker 2006: 7651). Yakima County is a leading global producer of apples, hops, mint, and asparagus, and is also known for its stone fruits. Peppers, corn and beans are important crops and alfalfa, timothy, sugar beets and potatoes are widely grown.  The beer and wine industries are still well represented by the region’s vineyards and hop fields (Kershner 2009: 9187; GYVCC 2006). The Yakima Valley produces 77 percent of all the hops grown nationwide, with the balance being grown in Oregon and Idaho. Two-thirds of the total Yakima hop production is sold to export markets (Knight 2008). Several of Yakima’s largest employers are agribusiness giants, with jobs in picking, planting, processing and packing. These employment statistics do not accurately reflect the other smaller farms, fields and plants that also make up the bulk of field and agricultural processing employers, nor do they reflect the number of seasonal or undocumented workers who find employment each year in the greater Yakima Valley, earning their way as modern-day Bindle-stiffs (Schwantes 1996: 330).


Culture Clashes and International Workings
In the early days of the West, tensions between Japanese-American farmers and their Euro-American counterparts existed in many communities, and in the Valley it was no different. In the 1920s, only 8 percent of agricultural land leases held in Yakima were by Japanese-Americans, yet strong resentment existed among the Euro-American community that the Japanese were encroaching on the “white’s farmland” (Mercier 2006). This feeling was common throughout the West, where a history of anti-Asian sentiment prevailed. The implementation of the 1923 Alien Property Act in Oregon prohibited ownership or lease of land by Japanese, and like similar laws already on the books in Washington and Idaho, foreshadowed things to come (Schwantes 1996: 377).

In December of 1941, the US entered WWII, and forced relocation of Japanese-Americans began in the spring of 1942 under President F.D. Roosevelt’s Executive Order 9066. Americans with as little as 1/16 Japanese heritage were summarily stripped of homes, jobs, businesses, investments, bank accounts and real property before being imprisoned in ten concentration camps throughout the inland west. In Washington, any persons of Japanese descent living west of the Columbia River were removed; 843 Japanese-Americans from the Yakima Valley were sent to Heart Mountain, Wyoming, where the camp’s population peaked at over 10,000 (HMWF; Mercier 2006; Wheeler 2011). The sentiment among white farmers of the time is well illustrated by the following two quotes. Austin E. Anson of the Salinas Vegetable Grower-Shipper Association (SVGSA) in a 1942 interview in the Saturday Evening Post said, “White American farmers admitted that their self-interest required removal of the Japanese,” (Taslitz 2002: 2257, 2306-7).  A less restrained and more descriptive teswtimony came from Toyosaburo Korematsu v. United States,  a court challenge to the constitutionality of Executive Order 9066 in the US Supreme Court (Murphy 1944):

 “We're charged with wanting to get rid of the Japs for selfish reasons. We do.
   It's a question of whether the white man lives on the Pacific Coast or the brown
   men. They came into this valley to work, and they stayed to take over... If all the
   Japs were removed tomorrow, we'd never miss them in two weeks, because the
   white farmers can take over and produce everything the Jap grows. And we do
   not want them back when the war ends, either.”

In 1988, President Reagan presented a formal apology to the Japanese-American community at large, and the federal government issued financial reparations to survivors and their families.   

A strong Hispanic presence in the Yakima Valley shows the complicated relationship between agribusiness and immigration policy, and reasons for Yakima’s distinct demographics can be traced to events following the Great Depression and the onset of World War II. With the onset of  the Great Depression, this group suffered a similar situation to Yakima’s Japanese-Americans, but on a larger scale, and without reconciliation. In the ten years between the Stock Market Crash and 1939, as many as 2 million Hispanic-Americans were coerced or forcibly expelled from the US under Hoover’s Mexican Repatriation Act. Up to 60% of Los Repatriados were native born US citizens, some not even Spanish speakers or of Mexican descent (Block 2006; Koch 2006). The coinciding relocations of Japanese and Hispanic-Americans during this time combined with the military draft and mass enlistment during WWII caused severe labor shortages in the US, and the agriculture business was hit especially hard.

In 1942, a joint agreement of the US and Mexican governments began the Bracero worker exchange program to meet the needs of Industry. From 1942 to 1964, an estimated 4.5 million workers participated in the exchange which was described by Lee G. Williams, the Department of Labor officer for the program as “legalized slavery… nothing but a way for big corporate farms to get a cheap labor supply from Mexico under government sponsorship” (Worker 2007; SPLC 2006:6). Deplorable housing, food and work conditions were normal, as were the living expenses that were deducted from workers’ pay. Rates much lower than prevailing or minimum wage were customary, although this was in violation of official policy. Additionally, a deduction similar to Social Security was taken from laborers’ pay and transferred directly to the Mexican Government as an incentive for workers to return to Mexico; sadly, when workers attempted to collect this pension, the Mexican government denied its existence. Several Braceros and their survivors have attempted to recoup the funds through the Mexican courts with little results. 

After the end of the Bracero program, increased Labor activism became a central social issue within the Hispanic community, and strides made by unions helped to improve standards and conditions in agricultural work. By the 1970s, more farms provided the basic required conditions that groups like the United Farm Workers helped to enact. The UFW remains a force for farm-workers’ rights, and its efforts to create a safer workplace are ongoing today. After generations of travelling the migrant circuit between California, Oregon and Washington, many Mexicans and Mexican-Americans have put roots in Eastern Washington, mostly in the Yakima Valley. Yakima County’s cultural make up is unique among Washington State, having by far the largest percentage of residents who consider themselves to be Latino or Hispanic. In the 2000 census, a full third of Yakima County’s population was listed as Hispanic or Latino, over four times the state average of 7.5 percent (Kershner 2009: 9187).

Today, H-2 Work Visas are issued to foreign workers, and abuses under this contemporary system are strikingly similar to the labor and living conditions under the Bracero program. It is more the norm than the exception that workers will borrow funds from their promised employers to pay for travel expenses and visa “fees”, into the thousands of dollars. These loans are deducted from future earnings with interest. Many spend the majority of their time in the US indentured to their employers, virtually wage slaves. Much like Williams’ words on the Bracero program decades earlier, House Ways and Means Committee Chairman Charles Rangel is quoted as saying: "This guest-worker program's the closest thing I've ever seen to slavery,” (SPJC 2006). Nine out of 10 migrant workers come to the US from Latin America, with three-fourths of those H-2 visas issued to Mexicans. (SPLC 2006: 16).  The low prices enjoyed by US consumers are the result of the economic structures in place that help to subsidize the agribusiness markets. Much in the way that the railroads and water companies worked with the federal government to shape the Yakima Valley, so do the factory farms of today in Yakima use the federal government to maximize their profits.  

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