Tuesday, December 27, 2011

"The Song of the Cid": Book Review


translated by Burton Raffel, with introduction and notes by María Rosa Menocal
A writing project for History 116 -Western Civilization I, Fall 2011.





The author of Cantar de Mio Cid is unknown, and most scholars now believe that it was originally performed in the tradition of the heroic saga. This epic is considered Spain’s earliest surviving piece of classic literature, originating sometime during the life of El Cid in the eleventh century; its earliest known transcription in 1207 was signed by Per Abbat and is kept in the Biblioteca Nacional de España in Madrid. All but two folios of the original text survive.

This newest edition of El Cid from the Penguin publishing house is edited by eminent linguistic scholar Burton Raffel, who referenced a modern transcription of the original Abbat text for this work. Raffel is an accomplished translator in several languages and his efforts include Beowulf, Nibelungenlied, Dante’s Commedia and Cervantes’ Don Quijote. His published work includes pieces from Old and Middle English, Viêtnamese, Latin, Middle German, medieval French and Italian, and contemporary Russian, along with numerous volumes of his own poetry, historical works and fiction. He has taught at several universities including Yale and the University of Louisiana, along with institutes in Israel and Indonesia.

Raffel’s purpose in penning a new translation of this Spanish epic when many other versions are available seems to be his passion for literature, and a desire to reintroduce older texts to new generations in a format that is both true to the spirit and form of the original, while remaining sensitive to the vernacular of the audience. When comparing his translation to Markley’s The Epic of the Cid or Rose and Bacon’s The Lay of the Cid one finds an enjoyable balance between the former’s matter-of-fact recount of the saga and the latter’s rigid rhyming verse. This epic is loosely based on the exploits of Rodrigo Díaz de Vivar, acclaimed Castilian military leader of the eleventh century.

After initially reading the story I had more questions than answers. Why was the first section missing? Why were there occasional obliterated lines within the cantors? Why were the people that the Cid’s armies conquered happy to pay him tribute? Why did this charismatic character scheme to swindle Jewish merchants and Church leaders alike, when he was the good guy of the story? Why had he been banished in the first place, when the text clearly described him as a loyal and valuable military leader?

A little backstory on our hero: Díaz was a minor Spanish aristocrat by descent and marriage, having royal relations through his mother’s line, while his wife was cousin to the king. The men on his father’s side found work drafting documents at court, at a time of transition from the rule of Ferdinand I to his heirs who were pledged to rule the land jointly. El Cid proved himself at a young age fighting under the banner of the eldest son Sancho II during the skirmishes among the feuding territories of the Iberian Peninsula. The Spanish lands of the north were also at odds with the Muslim kingdoms of Andalusia, while the Almoravids from the Magreb states of North Africa constantly threatened from the south. Many of the Moorish colonies were taifas, Islamic fiefdoms in Iberia that paid tribute to the Spaniard rulers in exchange for protection from the Almoravids; often, these same cities paid the Almoravids for protection against the Castilians, depending on which party was raiding more offensively at the time.

Much like the Frankish Emperor Charlemagne centuries earlier, Ferdinand I, the first emperor of Spain, divided his lands among his heirs, giving his eldest son Sancho II Castile, the easternmost territory; Alfonso VI received León; and Garcia II, the youngest, was given Galicia, the territory to the west, in what is now mostly Portugal. Soon after Ferdinand’s death, the sons broke truce in a continuation of their struggle for dominance over the territories. Sancho and Alfonso joined together to eliminate Garcia, and soon after, Sancho was assassinated; many speculated that this was orchestrated by King Alfonso and their sister Urraca. Unchallenged, Alfonso ascended the throne of the three territories, and by extension became the master of the corresponding tribute taifas, proclaiming himself emperor of all Spain.

It is here that our story begins, with Mio Cid weeping openly as he leads a small band of faithful warriors into exile. For reasons unsaid, his master King Alfonso VI of Castile and León has given him nine days to vacate the land that he had fought so well to protect. It is possible that in the original version the cause for his banishment was made clear in the missing first folio; it could have been lost for any number of reasons, including the possibility that it was too incriminating or embarrassing to the descendants of some important people. Since the original inscription was written by Per Abbat in 1207, little more than 100 years after Díaz’ death, the story may well have been too fresh in the minds of some. In fact, it wasn’t until searching for answers elsewhere that I found where El Cid’s original allegiances had been.

Although the Cid is anguished by his exile, he never speaks ill of his lord, only striving to earn his good favor by conquering Christian and Moorish towns alike, always sending tribute back to the emperor. The saga, presented in three cantos, documents his conquests of state, his efforts to win the favor of Alfonso, his exploits with his most faithful companions and his righteous vengeance at the mistreatment of his daughters by his enemies at court. It illustrates heroic qualities in the Campeador: he is a widely admired leader who earns the respect of aristocrats and peasants, his men and foes alike; the citizens of the taifas rejoice at his liberation of their cities; he is a loving and faithful family man to his beautiful wife and chaste daughters, and even his cunning money-making schemes were born of necessity and portrayed with a positive spin. He is a righteous self-made man. When his enemies at court plot to relieve him of his most-beloved treasures – his daughters and their hefty dowries – his honor is vindicated in a jousting match, and his detractors are chastised.

While the tale is presented within this framework of action and intrigue, it is more about the internal struggles and private agonies of a man who questions his choices and worries about his loved ones than it is about his exploits in battle. This story is a tribute to the trials of Al Sayyid more than to the Champion of Sancho who is betrayed by jealous courtiers and exiled by the scheming fratricidal king, Alfonso VI. Although El Cid is punished beyond the endurance of any man, he never speaks ill of his King, even when Alfonso insists that he marry his daughters to men that the Cid finds deficient in character and social standing. Part of the beauty of the Song of the Cid is that it is a tale of humility, sacrifice, self-doubt and servitude. It may also be a careful criticism of the contemporary ruling party. On the surface, El Cid is a voiceless long-suffering servant, but the subtext tells a different tale. King Alfonso’s actions prove him to be an obvious poor judge of character; he has more prestige than honor, more might than brains. Although it is not openly stated in the text, by his actions, El Cid distinguishes himself as a man more noble than the King, and this is quietly recognized by more than a few of the characters in the story.

The fact that parts of the text appear to be intentionally destroyed is at the very least intriguing. The National Library’s images of the text show the deliberate striking of sections, where partial and entire lines are completely blacked out with ink. However, other sections are shown where the scribe had inserted words after the fact, along with other minor corrections; this infers that he would not necessarily completely ink out lines that were miswritten. So why were these lines blocked out? What did they say, or more importantly, who edited them? Could it be the same parties who caused whole sections to disappear? This is only speculation, of course, but it is hard not to wonder about this, when the carefully neutral nature of the main characters of the story is also taken into account. In the story, no one is explicitly implicated in a plot to kill Sancho II, and Díaz only strives to prove himself worthy of his king’s favor. Since this was likely a popular tale told often across the territories, it would have been wise for the performer not to imply any blame towards the current administration; rather, a bard interested in self-preservation would praise the hero’s humble service to his master, emphasizing the superficial trials of the hero, while inferring his true nobility through the subtext.

Raffel presents the epic in the cantare style in which the original Abbat text was written. He demonstrates confident grace in his use of assonant rhyme, where the vowels within a single line are repeated much like alliteration, and in his mastery of the language paired with judicial use of meter and finial rhymes. However, he doesn’t limit himself like Rose and Bacon, who are restricted by their dedication to the form. Although their skill at rigid nineteenth-century style meter and rhyme is remarkable, the connotations and flavor of the work are surely compromised by this application. With Raffel’s sensitive treatment of the cantors, the reader can assume that the voice and subtle intent of the original has not been compromised by unnecessary structures of rhyming meter.

Still, Raffel does not shy away from using the laisses similaires form in his translation. Often seen in heroic sagas of the era, this form employs heavy repetition of signature phrases, a style normally associated with oral tradition. The reader never loses sight that this is a song. Lines referring to the hero as My Cid, one who was “born at a lucky hour”, “knighted at just the right time” and “born at a fortunate hour” among numerous such descriptions, not only infer that Díaz had good fortune, but tell the reader that they are hearing a song, sung by a firsthand witness of the events (Raffel 2009: 32, 66, 68). Much like the chorus of a modern song that repeats a catchy hook, these taglines help show that this story was meant to be performed, and Raffel uses the form well.

In order to prepare the reader with some useful background, Menocal expertly connects important events and relates the make up of the geopolitical climate leading up to the story in her introduction to The Song of the Cid, and her input is presented separately from Raffel’s translation. This is preferable to Markley’s version, which fills in the blanks of the missing preamble by consulting historical accounts. Although this is helpful in setting the stage for the first cantor, his distillation of the facts leads directly into his translation, which is written in straight paragraph form rather than stanzas; it is unclear where Markley’s words end and the saga begins. Although the balance of his translation gives the reader extensive information and back-story to flesh out the tale, this bounty of facts actually serves to suck the beauty right out of the story; it becomes a historically-based reference to the saga, rather than an expression of the saga itself.

Raffel used Colin Smith’s contemporary Spanish transcription of the original text as his reference, and this is included in the book alongside his translation so that when it is open, the reader can see the page with Raffel’s words on one side and the corresponding Spanish text on the other. When Smith’s reference is compared with the Abbat text, aside from a few alphabetical variances, such as using y for i, or rr for r, it is a word for word transcription. This clearly shows an interest on the part of Raffel towards maintaining accuracy and integrity. In addition, he indicates when parts of the original folio are missing, and notes where lines of the original text have been rendered illegible or are obliterated.

Before reading this book, I confess that I couldn’t distinguish between the Man from La Mancha and the Cid from Vivar. Reading The Song of the Cid was a great gateway to understanding more of the geopolitical happenings of the Iberian Peninsula during La Reconquista. This classic was surprisingly enjoyable to read and thought provoking; while I didn’t appreciate the subtext while reading it, I was induced to discover more afterward in order to interpret the story. I would definitely recommend Raffel’s version of this epic to anyone who is interested in historically based tales, appreciates the gentle hand of a competent translator or admires the subtle beauty of alliteration and assonance. Epic verse can be a window into how an earlier culture viewed itself, how it wanted others to view it, and how it wanted its stories to be told; Raffel’s translation of The Song of the Cid succeeds in facilitating all three.


Works Cited:

Per Abbat. (1207) Transcriber, Poema de Mio Cid, web eBook. Fundación Biblioteca Virtual Miguel de Cervantes.
http://www.cervantesvirtual.com/obra-visor /cantar-de-mio-cid-manuscrito-el-manuscrito-de-per-abbat--0/html/

Díaz de Vivar, Rodrigo, general information, web. Who 2 Biographies.
http://www.who2.com/bio/el-cid
Markley, J. Gerald. (1961) Translator, The Epic of the Cid, print.  
The Bobbs-Merrill co., inc. Indianapolis, and New York

Menocal, María Rosa. (2009) Author, introduction to The Song of the Cid, eBook.
Nelson, Lynn Harry. Author, Rodrigo Díaz de Bivar, El Cid, web.
Pidal, Ramón Menéndez. (1954) Author, Cantar de Mio Cid: Texto, Gramática, y Vocabulario, 3rd
edition, eBook. Espasa Calpe, Madrid

Raffel, Burton. (2009) Translator, The Song of the Cid: a dual-language edition with parallel text,
eBook. Penguin Group USA Inc., Penguin Books Ltd.         
 ---. Biographical information, web.  
http://english.louisiana.edu/fac-and-staff/emeritus/raffel.shtml
http://www.penguin.ca/nf/Author/AuthorPage/0,,0_1000026448,00.html

Rose, R. Selden and Bacon, Leonard. (1919) Translators, The Lay of the Cid, eBook. University of
California Press, Berkeley California, Semicentennial Publications

Smith, Colin. (1985) Editor, Poema de Mio Cid, 2nd edition, eBook.Cambridge University Press.



Notes
Cantor - the cantors are the three sections of this epic; the term comes from the Latin cantare, meaning “singing”.

El Cid - Al Sayyid is Arabic for The Lord or Master, and is the probable linguistic source for the title El Cid. This indicates that Díaz was recognized as a formidable military leader by Christian and Moor alike.

The division of Ferdinand I’s estate - Ferdinand I’s two daughters Elvira and Urraca were not gifted with territories like their brothers, but with cities; these also included taifa tribute districts.

Laisse Similaires - In an alternate title for the epic, The Lay of the Cid, lay derives from laisse, the term for this format used in epic medieval French verse.




Meteorology of Kitsap County, Washington State: Technical Writing, graphs and illustrations




Field Journal and Final Report of Weather Observations:
MARCH 28 – MAY 26 2011 for BREMERTON, WASHINGTON

A term project for Meteorology 101 Spring 2011. The material was compiled by interpreting daily written and illustrated field journal observations of local weather phenomenon.

























A few samples of the daily weather field journal (above):
____________________________________________________________________

FINAL REPORT:

Abstract:
This paper documents and interprets a study of weather events in Bremerton, Washington for the period including March 28 through May 26, 2011.
A history of temperature, precipitation, wind, barometric pressure, daylight hours and relative humidity were compiled through personal observation and recorded readings from established weather reporting sources. Graphic illustrations of data are included with interpretations.


FINAL REPORT SUMMARY 
LIMITATIONS of the STUDY 
OVERALL TRENDS 
INTERPRETATIONS:
    DAILY TEMPERATURES and CLOUDCOVER
    RELATIVE HUMIDITY and WINDSPEED
    HUMIDITY and BAROMETRIC PRESSURE 
    RELATIVE HUMIDITY and PRECIPITATION 
    BAROMETRIC PRESSURE and PRECIPITATION 
    WIND-SPEED and ACCUMULATED DAILY RAINFALL 
    WIND DIRECTION 
CONCLUSION 
DATA TABLE INDEX 
SOURCES 
__________________________________________________________________________________









FINAL REPORT SUMMARY:
During the term I recorded daily of weather observations, detailing high and low temperatures, barometric pressure, relative humidity, total daylight hours, daily precipitation, wind speeds and future predictions, using eyewitness reports and published information from an established weather reporting service. These were compiled in a journal, and accompanied by illustrations, detailed written observations and photographs taken at the time the observations were made (Fern: 2011). I used the Weather Underground reporting service for my information, excluding 3 days when the service had incomplete readings; for these days I used the
Bremerton Kitsap Sun newspaper’s published weather reports and predictions. After completing nine weeks of observations, I compiled the figures into pertinent graphs and tables. In some cases I saw patterns of relation between separate charts; I combined these into comparative graphs to help determine if relationships exist. 

LIMITATIONS:
The values for humidity, wind speed and barometric pressure are from single readings only, while the precipitation, temperature and daylight hour values are calculated over a 24 hour period. Because of this, drawing definite conclusions when compiling and comparing these values will likely give an inaccurate view. Variables such as taking readings at varying times of day, or taking readings after sunset most likely influenced my results in a different direction from  someone who took their readings every day at 12:30 pm, especially the wind and humidity readings. This makes the conclusions I draw regarding rainfall and humidity or rainfall and barometric pressure less conclusive than I would prefer.
There is also one day of extraordinarily high rainfall, March 30, which makes the other events in that graph seem disproportionally small. I have not made a series of graphs that exclude that day to see if other patterns emerge. The highest wind reading is also from that day, but is in better proportion with its graph.
Finally, the arbitrary system I devised for rating cloud-cover may be constructed in a way that someone else would not choose to do.



fig 1

fig 2

fig 3

fig 4

fig 5

fig 6
                                 
OVERALL TRENDS:
Barometric pressure (figure 1) and relative humidity (figure 2) both showed an overall decreasing trend for the period of the study, as did daily precipitation amounts (figure 3) and wind speeds (figure 4), while the total daylight hours (figure 5) showed a steady increase of approximately 3 ½ minutes a day. The daily low and high temperatures (figure 6) showed an overall increasing temperature trend for both daily measurements, as well as an increasing difference between the daily lows and highs.                                                                                                                                   

INTERPRETATIONS:


            

                          

DAILY TEMPERATURE FLUCTUATIONS and CLOUD-COVER:
I wondered if the increasing difference between daily low and high temperatures was related to something more than increasing daylight hours. By combining information from my drawings, descriptions, and the predicted chance of precipitation for that day’s weather forecast, I devised a rating system for the degree of overcast skies, and graphed this data.
The method I used to rate the amount of overcast skies was such that if my drawings and daily observations indicated cirrus or no clouds and the prediction for rain was 0-30%, I rated this day as a zero. If cirrus, altostratus and cumulus combinations were indicated with a rating up to 60% chance of rain, I rated this day as a one. If cumulus congestus, cumulonimbus or nimbostratus were described along with rain or low visibility, and a 60% chance of rain or greater, I rated this day as a two.
In most points on the graph, a low cloud-cover rating of zero coincides with a higher daily temperature difference. This shows that radiant heat from the earth was dissipating at night more quickly when no cloud cover existed, and is also a demonstration of the insulating properties of the clouds, when they are present in days with a one or two rating. Because this system is somewhat anecdotal I would like to establish a better way of defining its grading system for future record keeping.
                                     



RELATIVE HUMIDITY and WINDSPEED:
This graph shows a fairly random pattern. Although several spikes coincide, there are just as many instances where they do not. In some cases, a high humidity coincides with a zero wind-speed, or a low humidity with a high wind-speed; in others, a spike in humidity occurs after several days of still air; in still others, a coinciding rise of both is followed by a plunging wind-speed, and then a dropping humidity. These all seem to explain valid reasons for the data, but still do not show a discernable pattern; in the future, I would like to take at least one day and one night reading each 24 hour period, in hopes to correct for not taking my readings at the same time every day.       
         
                                                                                            




HUMIDITY and BAROMETRIC PRESSURE:
This graph appears to have the most pronounced reflexive readings of all the combined graphs. Almost without exception, a rise in pressure occurs with a drop in humidity throughout the study period; in the cases where this is not apparent, the relative rise and fall in preceding and following points establish the relative pattern.

                                                                                       
                                                                                     
                   

                                  
RELATIVE HUMIDITY and PRECIPITATION:
This graph shows a direct relationship between the two. On March 30 the highest daily rainfall of the study is preceded by an increase in humidity although the recorded rain fall for that day is less than the preceding day; March 31 has very little rain by comparison, but the humidity continues to rise because of the saturated ground, as well as the increase in temperature, which raises the dew-point. April 1 brings more rain than the day before, and the humidity rises again, only dropping a day after the rain has subsided. This is an established pattern throughout the study. The humidity rises in advance of rain and drops at a lag rate after the rain has stopped. In periods of little rain, like April15th through April 23rd, or April 29th through May 10th, I was surprised to see the fluctuations in humidity. After comparing with the cloud-cover graph, I can see a reflexive pattern between the two. This helps make sense of the humidity variances during times of little rain, and also explains the presence of cumulus build-up.
Another comparison between the Relative Humidity & Precipitation (table IX), and Daily Temperature Fluctuations & Cloudcover graphs show an interesting series from April 23rd -25th. On the 23rd there is no precipitation, the humidity is 28%, and the change in temperature is 36 degrees, from a low of 32o to a high of 68o. The 24th, the humidity spikes to 94% after the day’s high temperature drops to 50o, the difference between temperatures shrinks, and it rains about a fifth of an inch.


                                                                                
BAROMETRIC PRESSURE and PRECIPITATION:
In almost every point on this graph, the pressure and precipitation are reflexive, much like the combination graph of humidity and barometric pressure. In some cases the pressure and precipitation appear to deviate from the reflexive pattern, but if the two lines are interpreted independently and in context of their medians, the two graphs still react in opposite directions. This graph shows that when the barometric pressure rises, the amount of precipitation drops. When the barometric pressure is in a high trend, there is little or no rain. In the period from April 13th through April 23rd there is relatively little rainfall, but several spikes in barometric pressure. Upon closer examination, the spikes in pressure are in sync with variances in rainfall; this pattern is not apparent at first because of the high volume of precipitation on March 30th minimizes  the chart’s pattern for the rest of the study.
                                                                                                                                                                                           

             
WIND-SPEED and ACCUMULATED DAILY RAINFALL:
There is a definite trend throughout the study period between wind and rainfall. In many examples, the events are concurrent, showing a storm event; in the remainder, a rise in wind-speed precedes a spike in rainfall, indicating an advancing front.




                                                                                                  
WIND DIRECTION:
The winds overwhelmingly occurred from a southerly direction during the study.
The dates where the winds were not from the south were:

April 6-7th had north winds, a drop in pressure and measurable rain;
April 11th had easterly winds, zero rainfall and a spike in barometric pressure; 
April 20-22nd showed winds from west to east and to north, with a low-high-sinking pressure pattern, and trace amounts of rain;
May 3-4th had north winds, strongly rising barometric pressure, and trace rains;
May 14th had westerly winds, dramatically dropping pressure and a spike in rainfall;
May 17th had north winds, a temporary drop in barometric pressure, and zero rainfall (Fern 2011).


From this information I can only conclude that a variation from the normal wind direction indicates change is
coming, but a definite pattern of associated weather phenomena and wind direction is not conclusive. This is an area that needs a longer study period to establish if a pattern exists.



CONCLUSION: I learned several unexpected things in the course of this project. I was surprised to find that, although this has been an especially cool and seemingly wet spring, the amount of accumulated rainfall each day was much less than I expected it to be.  In the midst of the daily grind of keeping the weather journal I was unaware of the connections that I had documented; I can now see these after compiling and writing this report. In looking back through the nine weeks of observations I can also see an increasing understanding of the causes and effects of what I was documenting; this was surprising to me because at times I felt as though I wasn’t making progress in learning the concepts and terms taught in this class, because I hadn’t stepped back and regarded the journal as a whole until this time. Finally, in undertaking this project, I was reminded how challenging, habit-forming and rewarding an experience record keeping can be. After completing this course, I will pay closer attention to what is happening in this region’s weather, now that I have a better understanding of what I see.

SOURCES:
Fern, Anna K. (2011) Daily weather observations journal

Kitsap Sun (2011) Bremerton newspaper, May 12 and 13, 2011

Weather Underground, The (2011) online weather reporting from APRS weathernet , east of Pendergast Park, Bremerton Washington. http://wunderground.com

Geologic Features of Yakima Canyon: Technical Writing


A term research project for Geology 101 in Spring 2011.



Features of Yakima Canyon
                                                                                                                               
                                                                                                     

                                                                                      Yakima River Canyon in Winter (Bureau of Land Management)

The Yakima Canyon follows the meander of the Yakima River along US scenic highway 821, beginning after Umtanum Ridge, then meeting Wenas, Squaw and Umtanum Creeks, crosses north from Yakima County to Kittitas County, until it cuts through the Manastash Ridge Anticline (Kelsey 2011) 43 kilometers later. The canyon displays dramatic examples of erosion, basalt columns, and a variety of faults; since the time that the river began to carve out the canyon, 5700 acres of material have been removed (Public Lands). The numerous seismic shifts that helped to shape the canyon can be traced to the network of faults throughout the Umtanum and Manastash Ridges area are thought to be over 1.6 million years old (Kelsey 2011). The basalt flows that make up the majority of stratified material in the canyon exhibit many pillar formations that are covered in lichen ranging from pale greens to ambers and deep ochres. The striking beauty and solitude of the region make it a favorite spot for fishing, hiking, camping and biking.
                                  
              Overturned Umtanum anticline (Campbell 1975): A Geologic Road Log over Chinook, White Pass, and Ellensburg to Yakima Highways
The Basalt flows of the Yakima area and the Columbia Plateau are part of the greater Columbia Basalt Flows. The Columbia basalt flows are the result of a progression of several individual lava flows over a long period, from about 17.5 to 6 MYA (CRBG: NDG), and extend to parts of Idaho and Oregon. One theory of their origin is that they were caused by massive hotspot eruptions, much like Yellowstone and Long Valley; another is that an impact from a massive meteorite caused a catastrophic seismic chain-reaction leading to the flows.
Geologists have identified and mapped most of the layers in the canyon’s rock, many of which extend throughout the greater Columbia Plateau region. Much of the research information available for this paper was based on the studies of G.O. Smith, who wrote on the Ellensburg and Yakima region’s geology for the United States Geologic Survey, and several sources for this paper relied on his research. Smith made a distinction between the Yakima Basalt and the Columbia Basalt, seeing it as a distinct type; however, in publications after 1979, no mention is made of Yakima Basalt. I do find record that these flows have been re-categorized and reorganized several times, including new nomenclature since the publication of the majority of my research source material (USGS; Reidel et al 2002). To avoid confusion, I will refer to the geologic groups in the Yakima Canyon by the former names throughout the paper.   
             
                                                         Diagram of a roadside syncline, showing typical strata of the canyon (Campbell 1975)
Commonly occurring formations of the canyon are: Yakima Basalt (Roza and Ellensburg Formations) I believe now re-categorized as the Wanapum Formation of the Columbia Basalt, Vantage Sandstone, Squaw Creek Diatomite, Frenchman Springs and the Museum Flow; Smith also names the Wenas as a distinct formation, for the Yakima tributary Wenas Creek, which enters into the canyon near the southern Umtanum. The Yakima Basalt was originally recognized at an exposure in the Yakima Canyon. The Yakima Basalt is one of several  flows that make up the greater Columbia Plateau basalt, and is estimated to be between 900 and 1400 meters thick (Bingham et al 1966: G4.)
The Columbia basalt flows are the result of a progression of several individual lava flows over a long period. The Yakima Basalt covers an area from the crest of the Cascade Mountains to the Idaho’s Sawtooth Mountains, north of the Blue Mountains and south of the Pend Oreille, resulting from flows during the Miocene and early Pliocene ages (Smith 1901: 68; Waters 1961: 608).
                                    
                             Roza Flow basalt columns atop Squaw Creek diatomite, with Frenchman Springs at the base (Campbell 1975)
The Roza Member’s first type was recognized at the location along the southern canyon, between Umtanum Ridge and Wenas Creek. It is believed to be about 14 million years old (Columbia River Flood Basalts), and chiefly composed of two lava flows. The older of these flows is of a uniform thickness in the canyon, about 30 meters, and is believed to be part of a larger flow that covers an area of about 52,000 square kilometers, from Coulee City, Washington to Pendleton, Oregon. Typically the lower flow basalt is dark grey to blue, oxidizing to a deep brown, is porphyritic, and contains plagioclase, pyroxene, and olivine. This basalt typically forms in uniform columns two to three meters in diameter, and shows platy cleavage along regularly occurring segments in the column (Bingham 1966: G-8, G-9). This accounts for the dramatic, colorful roadside lichen displays visible when driving through the canyon.
According to Smith the Ellensburg formation is a mix of an original sediment layer up to 350 meters thick, not marine in origin, but made from eroded and volcanic sources in the Cascades (Mackin 1961; VanLandingham 1964: 729). These are primarily hornblende, andesite and pyroclastic ash. When these met with the basalt flow, according to Smith, they were intercalated and contemporaneously folded (Mackin 1961: 4-5). The Wenas Formation was made from a mix of these sediments and the basalt as well, formed as it extruded and cooled; this description seems to that of the Ellensburg Formation, except that the Wenas is not described as folded. The US Army Map Service classifies the basalt flows and sedimentary deposits in the Wenas part of the Ellensburg Formation of the Canyon as Pre- and Post-Vantage Sandstone Yakima Basalt (Campbell 1975: 4-5).                                 
                                   
                                                            Yakima Canyon wall showing uplift and slip-dip faults (Campbell 1975)
The Squaw Creek Diatomite is a relatively thinner layer in the Yakima Canyon strata, and indicates that prior to the Ellensburg and Roza formations’ extrusion, the region was covered in water. There are instances of pillow basalt in the canyon, but they are rare compared to the typical Roza pillar formations. The Frenchman Springs layer is composed of a series of basalt flows of similar composition.
The Yakima River Canyon is designated a protected area by the Washington Department of Natural Resources and the Bureau of Land Management. The river remains a fishery, with catch-and-release for trout in season, but is closed to all steelhead fishing. Campgrounds are seasonally open near the Wenas-Yakima confluence, and public boat access is available at Roza and near Manastash Ridge at Thrall outside of Ellensburg (BLM 2011).

ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY
FEATURES of YAKIMA CANYON 


Bingham, James W. and Maurice J. Grolier (1966) Contributions to Stratigraphy:  The Yakima Basalt and Ellensburg Formation of South-Central Washington, Geological Survey Bulletin 1224-G, Washington Department of Conservation Division of Water Resources
This source was published by the State of Washington as a geological and water resource bulletin, and intended for professional use. I believe it was relevant and reliable at the time of publication. Available in the Hazelwood Library.

Bureau of Land Management (BLM) (2011) Cover photo. Yakima River Canyon: public lands information center, Bureau of Land Management, retrieved 5/28/2011 <http://publiclands.org/explore/site.php?id=4568>
This was an electronic source published by the federal government, and I found it relevant for public use information, as well as a reliable photographic source.
Campbell, Newell P. (1975) Geologic Road Log Over Chinook, White Pass, and Ellensburg to Yakima Highways, State of Washington Department of Natural Resources, Division of Geology and Earth Resources 
This book was published by the State of Washington for professional use.  It was very relevant for maps, photographs and graphs showing the stratigraphy of Yakima Canyon. Available in the Hazelwood Library.
Columbia River basalt group (CRBG) (No Date Given) Theories on the cause of the Columbia Basalt Flows, retrieved 5/28/2011 < http://hugefloods.com/Basalt.html>
This electronic source appeared to be a hobby site created by a professional or paraprofessional geologist or historian. It had many photographs, and interpretations of geologic information, but little citation for original material. I was selective in what I chose to include from this source.


Kelsey,
Harvey M., Tyler Ladinsky (2011) NEHRP Final Technical Report, USGS Award Number: G09AC00464: Investigations of tectonic deformation in the Yakima River canyon, Department of Geology, Humboldt State University
This source was written as a scholarly publication for professional use, and published by a university press.  It is a report on geological formations, water wells and evidence of seismic activity. I found it to be useful for maps and information; downloaded as a pdf file.
Hackin, J. Hoover (1961) A Stratigraphic Section in the Yakima Basalt and the Ellensburg Formation in South-Central Washington, State of Washington Department of Conservation, Division of Mines and Geology, State Printing Plant
This was a publication from the state of Washington, a reliable source. It was written as a descriptive paper on the superposition of rock layers in the area from Ellensburg to the Columbia River at Vantage, and was useful for general information on specific formations’ ages and mineral composition. Available in Hazelwood Library.
Reidel, S.P., V.G. Johnson, and F.A. Spane (2002) USGS Columbia River Basalt Stratigraphy in the Pacific Northwest, regarding nomenclature, retrieved 5/29/2011< http://or.water.usgs.gov/projs_dir/crbg/stratigraphy.html>
This publication was an original citation for the USGS page concerning the reassignment of nomenclature. It was very useful in comparing data on the Yakima Canyon; I used a link entitled “diagram of formations, members and units” on the USGS page listed above for comparing older and newer data, accepted in 1979, in an attempt to isolate, identify and name the strata of the canyon.

Settlement of Yakima Washington: Historical Narrative Writing and graphic Presentation



Then and Now:  How Yakama Became Yakima
The written component of a term research project  for History 215- Pacific Northwest History, Spring 2011, accompanied by a graphic presentation.

click here to view supplemental Powerpoint presentation







North Yakima depot circa 1890 (Yakima Herald-Republic Archives) 

Abstract:
The Yakima Valley first saw European-American settlement in the 1850s when a mission was built at the invitation of the people living there. Their leaders saw partnership with the coming immigrants as a consolation to keeping their home to themselves, as it became clear that settlement was a formidable tide that could be weathered, but not turned. Perhaps the Yakama hoped this proactive participation would allow them some control, but their hope for autonomy deteriorated to mere hope for survival.  It was the partnership of industry and government that ultimately shaped the outcome for the valley. The marriage of railroads, canals and hydroelectric power established the means to maximize and extract the region’s wealth, and was indispensible in maintaining the expanding American empire. By revisiting this sequence of events one can better understand the choices and priorities of the people who shaped this region, and its emergence as a dominant agricultural supplier for the world.


________________________________________________________________

I. It Takes a Nation to build a mission :
Yakima’s first European-American settlement
II. Tale of Two Cities:
a People share their name
III. Railroads, canals and shenanigans: the Free Farmland Shell Game

IV. Growing in agriculture:
Yakima’s emergence as a world production center 
V. Culture clashes and international doings: workforce demographics in the 20th century 

It Takes a Nation to Build a Mission

In 1839, prominent Yakama tribesman Kamiakin began to solicit for a mission. Oregon Territory Protestants, Henry and Eliza Spalding and Marcus and Narcissa Whitman, of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (ABCFM) declined to assist him, so in 1847 he sought the help of the Catholic Church in Walla Walla. Kamiakin offered his patronage to the Church to build near his main summer home on Ahtanum Creek, in what is now Yakima County.  St. Joseph became the first Euro-American settlement in the region, headed by Father Charles Pandosy (Splawn 1944; Becker 2003:5285).  At the invitation of Kamiakin and his brother, fellow Yakama Chief Ow-hi (Glassley 1953: 110), the Oblates of Mary Immaculate also established several other small missions throughout Yakima Valley beginning in 1848, and around 1850 the main mission at Ahtanum was erected on the Aleshecas site (Baeder 1937:1; Becker 2003:5285). The first irrigation ditches in the valley were dug at the mission by the Fathers and Kamiakin, who came to be an enthusiastic gardener. In much the same way as in other Oregon Territory settlements, the Catholics had better luck cohabitating with the Natives than did the Methodists and other Protestants.  According to Church records, in the eight years the missionaries worked at St. Joseph, the priests “succeeded in converting four hundred thirty-four souls” (Kowrach 1992:39), a much better rate than the Whitmans ever realized at Waiilatpu (Jeffrey VII: 143; Schwantes 1996: 90).


Kamiakin is not only remembered for helping to establish what became Yakima or for his affinity with farming; he was also a reluctant player in the signing of the Great Council at Walla Walla, where 14 tribes ceded over 10 million acres under duress to Territorial Governor Isaac Stevens (Becker 2006: 7651). The treaty, signed in 1855, set in motion the confining of several Columbia Plateau native groups to what is now the Yakama Nation. This, combined with the discovery of gold in the Upper Columbia, led to increasing tensions and ultimately the Yakima Wars of 1855-1858 (Becker 2006:7651).


On September 23, 1855, U.S. Indian Subagent Andrew Jackson Bolon was killed by 3 Yakama men when he came to investigate the murders of trespassing white miners in the Yakima Reservation, on their way to search for gold in the Colville district (Glassley 1953: 111
; Wilma 2007: 8118). 
In October, a campaign lasting several months began in which the U.S. Army, along with Oregon and Washington volunteers under the direction of Major Gabriel J. Rains of  Fort Vancouver, waged war on Kamiakin and his followers (Wilma 2007: 8124). One particularly dramatic event in this four year period was the razing of St. Joseph’s Mission.


St. Joseph was burned down during the Yakima Indian Wars in 1855, but unlike Waiilatpu, where the Whitmans met their demise at the hands of the Cayuse, this damage was inflicted by the US military upon a Church and its congregation. The Oblates had established a sympatic community   with the Yakama, much to the agitation of the Union. Under authority of Rains, 700 troops pursued the Yakama army to St. Joseph, with Kamiakin’s men covering the flanks of the retreating elders, women, children, and missionaries, as the Oblates and their congregation fled the site. The soldiers arrived at the mission to find it vacated; however, the livestock, gardens and personal affects of the church personnel were still there. Rains appropriated the garden produce and the Brothers’ swine herd for his army. Cut Mouth John, a Wasco scout for the Army, was said to have pilfered the personal letters and belongings of the Oblates, “much to the disgust of Rains” (Wilma 2007:8124; Becker 2005: 7496). In the garden of the mission they found a partially filled keg of gunpowder. This was their proof of Pandosy’s corroboration with the enemy; the volunteers looted the residence, tore lumber from the buildings until they no longer stood, and burned the rubble along with the nearby Oblate Church, Holy Cross (Becker 2003: 5285).


Later, at an inquiry, the official position was that Rains had not, in fact, suspected the Oblates of Indian sympathies, and the powder-keg accusation was even refuted by General Grant himself (Baeder 1937). Nonetheless, all Catholic missions in the area were suspended until 1868. The next spring, the Army established Fort Simcoe between the reservation and the Columbia River, effectively cutting the Yakama off from their fishing grounds. In October 1858 Commander Captain James J. Archer hanged two Yakamas implicated in the killing of Agent Bolon in 1855. These and other executions by the Army, along with the strife of living at war had the desired effect on the Yakama (Becker et al 2003: 5292). After four years of fighting and the loss of all but two of his military leaders (Glassley 1953: 150), Kamiakin and the remnants of his army dispersed to relatives among the Palouse, Walla Walla, and near Moses Lake. Kamiakin was demoralized, and never again returned to his home on the Ahtanum.


On March 3, 1871, President Grant signed the Indian Appropriation Act, which established Natives as national wards and nullified Indian Treaties, as part of his greater Indian Peace Policy (Scaturro: 2006).  As part of the Act, Protestant missionaries and US soldiers were made Indian Agents, acting as local representatives and enforcers of the new standards. Both the rise of the American presence in the new territory and the decreasing hold of foreign influence were apparent when his Policy gave overwhelming Protestant control to the region. Robert Burns wrote in The Jesuits and the Indian Wars of the Northwest that “so arbitrarily did [the Indian Appropriation Act] divide [districts] across denominations that Catholics got not the expected half but merely seven out of eighty-eight” areas of mission control (Burns 1966: 366). As a Jesuit scholar, Burns was understandably opinionated (Ray 1967), but one can agree with his point. The Peace Policy’s intent was not to promote the welfare of the Yakama. The choice by the US government to replace the successful Catholic Missions with the unpopular Protestants’ appears to be less a plan to assist and protect the tribes’ welfare and souls, and more an intent on loosing the hold of foreign interests while assimilating or eradicating the congregations. In the Yakima Valley, Methodist minister J. H. Wilbur became the new Indian Agent (Handbook 1906) and following the St. Joseph debacle, he directly forbade the Fathers from entering the Yakima Reservation. As testament to the Agent’s character, the memoirs of Paiute Sarah Winnemucca Hopkins, nee Thocmentony Shell Flower, document her time at the reservation where Wilbur extorted, enslaved and stole from the Yakama Nation residents under his watch (Hopkins 1883).  


Forbidden by Wilbur to enter the reservation, Father Pandosy was also ordered by Governor Stevens to leave the territory, and the Church agreed to reassign him (DCBO 2000).  He
went on to establish missions in the Okanogan Valley of British Columbia (CRHP). With the suspensions of the Oblates, contact with their congregation was substantially hampered. The Church was allowed to rebuild a decade later in 1868, when Yakima’s first apple orchard was planted by Fathers St. Onge and Boulet on the site in 1872 (Baeder: 3). The mission never fully recovered from the Yakama Wars or the Peace Policy’s restrictions, and in the early 1880s, St. Joseph’s Mission was closed (Becker 2003:5285).  At the turn of the century, the Knights of Columbus assumed stewardship of the mission; in 1970 it was placed on the National Register of Historic Places.


Tale of Two Cities
Although Kamiakin was said to have brought cattle to Ahtanum in 1840, cattleman Fielding Mortimer Thorp is generally credited with establishing the first beef herd in Yakima when he drove 250 head into the valley in 1860.  He was the first non-native, non-missionary settler in what would later become Yakima, bringing his wife and children in 1861. There is still a small town that bears the family name in Kittitas Valley on the Yakima River, north of Ellensburg.


In 1863, the Territorial legislature established Ferguson County, which was replaced two years later by modern Yakima and Kittitas counties. By 1870, settlers began calling Thorps’ growing settlement at the confluence of the Yakima River and Ahtanum Creek Yakima City. That same year, it became the county seat, and by 1880, the immigrant population was 400 in town and 2000 in the area (Kershner 2009: 9187; Becker 2003:5312). In 1883, the Northern Pacific Railroad announced that its
Cascade Branch would bypass Yakima City and build a station four miles to the northwest of the town, where it had platted a new town-site
on railroad land
(Oldham 2003: 5237; Schwantes 1996:196).  Some suspected that the railroad was punishing the Yakima City community for not offering kick-backs to offset costs (Schwantes 1996:196).  The official reason given by the railroad was that the ground was unsuitably boggy and situated in a narrow channel between ridges. Additionally, they argued that the layout of the town was too random and unattractive to host their depot (Kershner 2009:9187).


By contrast,
North Yakima was planned, in the words of Kershner, “with an eye toward elegance”.  Paul Schulze, the railroad's land manager, laid out the streets according to the plan of his native city, Baden-Baden, Germany. The plats even included a site for a new state capitol (Schwantes 1996:196). Many in Washington expected that with impending statehood, a central location would be chosen for a new capitol. A few years later, the contest between Olympia, Ellensburg, North Yakima and several other towns was indecisive. Before a run-off could be completed Ellensburg suffered a catastrophic fire July 4, 1889. In the second vote in November of 1890, Olympia received 37,413 votes, while Ellensburg and North Yakima received 7722 and 6276 (Becker 2005: 7549).


As the Valley residents came to learn of the plans for a “new Yakima, many business owners and established residents protested this  heavy-handedness. In response, the Territory of Washington sued Northern Pacific to force the railroad to establish a station in Yakima City.  Although they won the case, most businesses believed that the new town-site was the way of the future, and agreed to let the railroad pay to move their buildings. However, not everyone agreed with that arrangement; in early 1885, a local newspaper office was anonymously bombed in the middle of the night, while it was still on rollers en-route between the two towns (Schwantes 1996:197; Kershner 2009: 9187). Through the winter and spring of 1884-1885, more than 100 businesses relocated to North Yakima, and in 1886 it became the new county seat. At the request of the US Postal Service,  in 1918 the State Legislature changed the name of North Yakima to Yakima, and renamed the original settlement Union Gap (Kershner 2009: 9187). The new Yakima became a large economic center, while Union Gap went the way of other by-passed towns. In a recent ironic twist, the core of downtown Yakima has seen the closing of many major businesses, including Yakima Mall, while Union Gap  now enjoys a renaissance with a newly renovated shopping center (City of Yakima 2005).


Railroads, Canals and Shenanigans

Between 1890 and 1900 Yakima saw rapid growth, with its population more than doubling from 1,535 to 3,154 (State of Washington Office of Financial Management 2011).  Most of the valley’s population was concentrated along the Yakima River, giving farmers the access they needed to supply their crops with many private or loosely affiliated ditches. Irrigation engineer Walter N. Granger had worked on several canal projects in Montana with General John D. McIntyre, a larger-than-life military officer and mining entrepreneur.  In December 1889, Granger, along with investors from St. Paul, Minnesota organized the Yakima Land and Canal Company (YLCC), with Granger as president. Included in this board of investors were Northern Pacific President Thomas Oakes, along with McIntyre and several officials from the railroad (Becker 2006:7695; McIntyre et al 1903). The YLCC stock holdings of one million dollars, divided into 200,000 shares, were used to secure purchase of Yakima Valley land acquired by the Northern Pacific Railroad. The company, renamed the Northern Pacific, Kittitas, and Yakima Irrigation Project, created the Sunnyside Canal, Yakima Valley's first commercial irrigation system (Becker 2006: 7695). 


As a requirement of the 1864 Northern Pacific Land Grant, the railroad had to sell the unused land that it received in federal grants to settlers within five years of the completion of the rail line; additionally, they were obliged to transport goods and troops for the government at a reduced rate. Three months after the survey for the Sunnyside Canal project, Northern Pacific purchased two-thirds of the Yakima Land and Canal Company's stock.  In effect, it legally purchased the improved, profitable land back from itself, basically acquiring the prime irrigated farm land as federal grants. In 1892, the Sunnyside Canal Project began operation, and other private irrigation canals followed. There was no regulation  and the potential for overuse (Becker 2006: 7651). As a result of the 1893 Depression, Northern Pacific withdrew from the Sunnyside Canal Project. In 1900 the Washington Irrigation Company purchased the Sunnyside Canal, and extended it from Sunnyside to Prosser, in the lower Yakima Valley.


The Reclamation Act of 1902 was the beginning for federally controlled dam and irrigation projects in Yakima and the Western states. Under the Yakima Project, the federal government bought up most of the private irrigation systems and incorporated them.  In 1905 the Federal Bureau of Reclamation purchased the enlarged Sunnyside Canal, and became the Sunnyside Division of the Yakima Project, authorized in 1905. The Yakima Project was one of the most ambitious by the Federal Bureau of Reclamation, as one of the largest and earliest in all the western states, and has been in operation since 1910 with nearly 2,100 miles of river-fed irrigation canals (Kershner 2009: 9187).  The Sunnyside Valley Irrigation District (SVID) with almost 100,000 acres and the Roza District’s 72,000 acres are currently the largest of 21 water districts serving the agricultural industry in Yakima County (GYVCC 2006).


Around the same time as these infrastructural improvements, other signals of the turning century’s new face of progress appeared. North Yakima was wired for electricity in 1906, and began operating the Yakima Interurban Trolley System the same year (Kershner 2009: 9187).  The population more than quadrupled between 1900 and 1910, a trend that leveled off to an increase of about 4500 people per decade.  The 1990s saw an increase of approximately 30 percent, from 54,843 to 71,845 (State of Washington Office of Financial Management 2011), and again in  2010 when the  population rose to over 91,000, with a metropolitan population of 243,231 (US Census Bureau 2011). Jobs for these residents are found mostly in agriculture and social services, including city, county, tribal and federal facilities. The region’s hospital and healthcare centers are concentrated in Yakima, and in 2005 ranked as the area’s number one employer. Among the top 20 largest employers, government makes up two-thirds of the jobs (GYCC 2006).



Growing in Agriculture

In 1887, when Henry Pinchwell set out five acres of fruit trees, he established the first commercial orchard in the Yakima Valley, about 15 years after the planting of the first commercial vineyards and hops (Becker 2003: 5274, 5356). Yakima’s prominence as an agricultural giant cannot be overstated; in many ways, it exceeds the output of southern California’s region, and remains the single largest producer of many export crops. According to the Greater Yakima Chamber of Commerce, it is the “most diversified agricultural project in the world, and also one of the most productive, earning it the title, the Fruit Bowl of the Nation”.  As of 2002, over 1.6 million acres were under cultivation in the area (GYVCC 2006; Becker 2006: 7651). Yakima County is a leading global producer of apples, hops, mint, and asparagus, and is also known for its
stone fruits. Peppers, corn and beans are important crops and alfalfa, timothy, sugar beets and potatoes are widely grown.  The beer and wine industries are still well represented by the region’s vineyards and hop fields (Kershner 2009: 9187; GYVCC 2006). The Yakima Valley produces 77 percent of all the hops grown nationwide, with the balance being grown in Oregon and Idaho. Two-thirds of the total Yakima hop production is sold to export markets (Knight 2008). Several of Yakima’s largest employers are agribusiness giants, with jobs in picking, planting, processing and packing. These employment statistics do not accurately reflect the other smaller farms, fields and plants that also make up the bulk of field and agricultural processing employers, nor do they reflect the number of seasonal or undocumented workers who find employment each year in the greater Yakima Valley, earning their way as modern-day Bindle-stiffs (Schwantes 1996: 330).


Culture Clashes and International Workings
In the early days of the West, tensions between Japanese-American farmers and their Euro-American counterparts existed in many communities, and in the Valley it was no different. In the 1920s, only 8 percent of agricultural land leases held in Yakima were by Japanese-Americans, yet strong resentment existed among the Euro-American community that the Japanese were encroaching on the “white’s farmland” (Mercier 2006). This feeling was common throughout the West, where a history of anti-Asian sentiment prevailed. The implementation of the 1923 Alien Property Act in Oregon prohibited ownership or lease of land by Japanese, and like similar laws already on the books in Washington and Idaho, foreshadowed things to come (Schwantes 1996: 377).


In December of 1941, the US entered WWII, and forced relocation of Japanese-Americans began in the spring of 1942 under President F.D. Roosevelt’s Executive Order 9066. Americans with as little as 1/16 Japanese heritage were summarily stripped of homes, jobs, businesses, investments, bank accounts and real property before being imprisoned in ten concentration camps throughout the inland west. In Washington, any persons of Japanese descent living west of the Columbia River were removed; 843 Japanese-Americans from the Yakima Valley were sent to Heart Mountain, Wyoming, where the camp’s population peaked at over 10,000 (HMWF; Mercier 2006; Wheeler 2011). The sentiment among white farmers of the time is well illustrated by the following two quotes. Austin E. Anson of the Salinas Vegetable Grower-Shipper Association (SVGSA) in a 1942 interview in the Saturday Evening Post said, “White American farmers admitted that their self-interest required removal of the Japanese,” (Taslitz 2002: 2257, 2306-7).  A less restrained and more descriptive teswtimony came from Toyosaburo Korematsu v. United States,  a court challenge to the constitutionality of Executive Order 9066 in the US Supreme Court (Murphy 1944):


 “We're charged with wanting to get rid of the Japs for selfish reasons. We do.
   It's a question of whether the white man lives on the Pacific Coast or the brown
   men. They came into this valley to work, and they stayed to take over... If all the
   Japs were removed tomorrow, we'd never miss them in two weeks, because the
   white farmers can take over and produce everything the Jap grows. And we do
   not want them back when the war ends, either.”



In 1988, President Reagan presented a formal apology to the Japanese-American community at large, and the federal government issued financial reparations to survivors and their families.
   


A strong Hispanic presence in the Yakima Valley shows the complicated relationship between agribusiness and immigration policy, and reasons for Yakima’s distinct demographics can be traced to events following the Great Depression and the onset of World War II. With the onset of  the Great Depression, this group suffered a similar situation to Yakima’s Japanese-Americans, but on a larger scale, and without reconciliation. In the ten years between the Stock Market Crash and 1939, as many as 2 million Hispanic-Americans were coerced or forcibly expelled from the US under Hoover’s Mexican Repatriation Act. Up to 60% of Los Repatriados were native born US citizens, some not even Spanish speakers or of Mexican descent (Block 2006; Koch 2006). The coinciding relocations of Japanese and Hispanic-Americans during this time combined with the military draft and mass enlistment during WWII caused severe labor shortages in the US, and the agriculture business was hit especially hard.


In 1942, a joint agreement of the US and Mexican governments began the Bracero worker exchange program to meet the needs of Industry. From 1942 to 1964, an estimated 4.5 million workers participated in the exchange which was described by Lee G. Williams, the Department of Labor officer for the program as “legalized slavery…
nothing but a way for big corporate farms to get a cheap labor supply from Mexico under government sponsorship” (Worker 2007; SPLC 2006:6). Deplorable housing, food and work conditions were normal, as were the living expenses that were deducted from workers’ pay. Rates much lower than prevailing or minimum wage were customary, although this was in violation of official policy. Additionally, a deduction similar to Social Security was taken from laborers’ pay and transferred directly to the Mexican Government as an incentive for workers to return to Mexico; sadly, when workers attempted to collect this pension, the Mexican government denied its existence. Several Braceros and their survivors have attempted to recoup the funds through the Mexican courts with little results. 

After the end of the Bracero program, increased Labor activism became a central social issue within the Hispanic community, and strides made by unions helped to improve standards and conditions in agricultural work. By the 1970s, more farms provided the basic required conditions that groups like the United Farm Workers helped to enact. The UFW remains a force for farm-workers’ rights, and its efforts to create a safer workplace are ongoing today. After generations of travelling the migrant circuit between California, Oregon and Washington, many Mexicans and Mexican-Americans have put roots in Eastern Washington, mostly in the Yakima Valley. Yakima County’s cultural make up is unique among Washington State, having by far the largest percentage of residents who consider themselves to be Latino or Hispanic. In the 2000 census, a full third of Yakima County’s population was listed as Hispanic or Latino, over four times the state average of 7.5 percent (Kershner 2009: 9187).


Today, H-2 Work Visas are issued to foreign workers, and abuses under this contemporary system are strikingly similar to the labor and living conditions under the Bracero program. It is more the norm than the exception that workers will borrow funds from their promised employers to pay for travel expenses and visa “fees”, into the thousands of dollars. These loans are deducted from future earnings with interest. Many spend the majority of their time in the US indentured to their employers, virtually wage slaves. Much like Williams’ words on the Bracero program decades earlier, House Ways and Means Committee Chairman Charles Rangel is quoted as saying: "This guest-worker program's the closest thing I've ever seen to slavery,” (SPJC 2006). Nine out of 10 migrant workers come to the US from Latin America, with three-fourths of those H-2 visas issued to Mexicans. (SPLC 2006: 16).  The low prices enjoyed by US consumers are the result of the economic structures in place that help to subsidize the agribusiness markets. Much in the way that the railroads and water companies worked with the federal government to shape the Yakima Valley, so do the factory farms of today in Yakima use the federal government to maximize their profits.
 


__________________________________________________________________________


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