Then
and Now: How Yakama Became Yakima
The written component of a term research project for History 215- Pacific Northwest History, Spring 2011, accompanied by a graphic presentation.
click here to view supplemental Powerpoint presentation
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| North Yakima depot circa 1890 (Yakima Herald-Republic Archives) |
Abstract:
The Yakima Valley first saw European-American settlement in the 1850s when a
mission was built at the invitation of the people living there. Their leaders
saw partnership with the coming immigrants as a consolation to keeping their
home to themselves, as it became clear that settlement was a formidable tide
that could be weathered, but not turned. Perhaps the Yakama hoped this
proactive participation would allow them some control, but their hope for
autonomy deteriorated to mere hope for survival. It was the partnership of industry and
government that ultimately shaped the outcome for the valley. The marriage of
railroads, canals and hydroelectric power established the means to maximize and
extract the region’s wealth, and was indispensible in maintaining the expanding
American empire. By revisiting this sequence of events one can better
understand the choices and priorities of the people who shaped this region, and
its emergence as a dominant agricultural supplier for the world.
________________________________________________________________
I. It Takes a Nation to build a mission : Yakima’s first
European-American settlement
II. Tale of Two Cities: a People
share their name
III. Railroads, canals and shenanigans: the Free Farmland Shell Game
IV. Growing in agriculture: Yakima’s emergence as a world production center
V. Culture clashes and international doings: workforce demographics in
the 20th century
It Takes a Nation to Build a Mission
In 1839, prominent Yakama tribesman Kamiakin began to solicit for a mission. Oregon
Territory Protestants, Henry and Eliza Spalding and Marcus and Narcissa Whitman,
of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (ABCFM) declined to
assist him, so in 1847 he sought the help of the Catholic Church in Walla
Walla. Kamiakin offered his patronage to the Church to build near his main
summer home on Ahtanum Creek, in what is now Yakima County. St. Joseph became the first Euro-American
settlement in the region, headed by Father Charles Pandosy (Splawn 1944; Becker
2003:5285). At the invitation of
Kamiakin and his brother, fellow Yakama Chief Ow-hi (Glassley 1953: 110), the
Oblates of Mary Immaculate also established several other small missions
throughout Yakima Valley beginning in 1848, and around 1850 the main mission at
Ahtanum was erected on the Aleshecas site (Baeder 1937:1; Becker 2003:5285).
The first irrigation ditches in the valley were dug at the mission by the
Fathers and Kamiakin, who came to be an enthusiastic gardener. In much the same way as in other Oregon
Territory settlements, the Catholics had better luck cohabitating with the
Natives than did the Methodists and other Protestants. According to Church records, in the eight
years the missionaries worked at St. Joseph, the priests “succeeded in
converting four hundred thirty-four souls” (Kowrach 1992:39), a much
better rate than the Whitmans ever realized at Waiilatpu (Jeffrey VII: 143; Schwantes
1996: 90).
Kamiakin is not only
remembered for helping to establish what became Yakima or for his affinity with
farming; he was also a reluctant player in the signing of the Great Council at
Walla Walla, where 14 tribes ceded over 10 million acres under duress to
Territorial Governor Isaac Stevens (Becker 2006: 7651). The treaty, signed in
1855, set in motion the confining of several Columbia Plateau native groups to
what is now the Yakama Nation. This, combined with the discovery of gold in the
Upper Columbia, led to increasing tensions and ultimately the Yakima Wars of
1855-1858 (Becker 2006:7651).
On September 23, 1855,
U.S. Indian Subagent Andrew Jackson Bolon was killed by 3 Yakama men when
he came to investigate the murders of trespassing white miners in the Yakima
Reservation, on their way to search for gold in the Colville district (Glassley
1953: 111; Wilma 2007: 8118). In October, a campaign lasting several months began
in which the U.S. Army, along with Oregon and Washington volunteers under the
direction of Major Gabriel J. Rains of Fort Vancouver, waged war on Kamiakin
and his followers (Wilma 2007: 8124). One
particularly dramatic event in this four year period was the razing of St. Joseph’s
Mission.
St. Joseph was burned
down during the Yakima Indian Wars in 1855, but unlike Waiilatpu, where the
Whitmans met their demise at the hands of the Cayuse, this damage was inflicted
by the US military upon a Church and its congregation. The Oblates had
established a sympatic community with the Yakama, much to the agitation of the
Union. Under authority of Rains, 700 troops pursued the Yakama army to St.
Joseph, with Kamiakin’s men covering the flanks of the retreating elders,
women, children, and missionaries, as the Oblates and their congregation fled
the site. The soldiers arrived at the mission to find it vacated; however, the
livestock, gardens and personal affects of the church personnel were still
there. Rains appropriated the garden produce and the Brothers’ swine herd for
his army. Cut Mouth John, a Wasco scout for the Army, was said to have pilfered
the personal letters and belongings of the Oblates, “much to the disgust of
Rains” (Wilma 2007:8124; Becker 2005: 7496). In the garden of the mission they
found a partially filled keg of gunpowder. This was their proof of Pandosy’s
corroboration with the enemy; the volunteers looted the residence, tore lumber
from the buildings until they no longer stood, and burned the rubble along with
the nearby Oblate Church, Holy Cross (Becker 2003: 5285).
Later, at an inquiry, the
official position was that Rains had not, in fact, suspected the Oblates of
Indian sympathies, and the powder-keg accusation was even refuted by General
Grant himself (Baeder 1937). Nonetheless, all Catholic missions in the area
were suspended until 1868. The next spring, the Army established Fort Simcoe
between the reservation and the Columbia River, effectively cutting the Yakama
off from their fishing grounds. In October 1858 Commander Captain James J.
Archer hanged two Yakamas implicated in the killing of Agent Bolon in 1855.
These and other executions by the Army, along with the strife of living at war
had the desired effect on the Yakama (Becker et al 2003: 5292). After four
years of fighting and the loss of all but two of his military leaders (Glassley
1953: 150), Kamiakin and the remnants of his army dispersed to relatives among
the Palouse, Walla Walla, and near Moses Lake. Kamiakin was demoralized, and
never again returned to his home on the Ahtanum.
On March 3, 1871,
President Grant signed the Indian Appropriation Act, which established Natives
as national wards and nullified Indian Treaties, as part of his greater Indian
Peace Policy (Scaturro: 2006). As part of
the Act, Protestant missionaries and US soldiers were made Indian Agents,
acting as local representatives and enforcers of the new standards. Both the
rise of the American presence in the new territory and the decreasing hold of
foreign influence were apparent when his Policy gave overwhelming Protestant
control to the region. Robert Burns wrote in The Jesuits and the Indian Wars
of the Northwest that “so
arbitrarily did [the Indian Appropriation Act] divide [districts] across
denominations that Catholics got not the expected half but merely seven out of
eighty-eight” areas of mission control (Burns 1966: 366). As a Jesuit scholar,
Burns was understandably opinionated (Ray 1967), but one can agree with his
point. The Peace Policy’s intent was not to promote the welfare of the Yakama.
The choice by the US government to replace the successful Catholic Missions
with the unpopular Protestants’ appears to be less a plan to assist and protect
the tribes’ welfare and souls, and more an intent on loosing the hold of foreign
interests while assimilating or eradicating the congregations. In the Yakima
Valley, Methodist minister J. H. Wilbur became the new Indian Agent (Handbook
1906) and following the St. Joseph debacle, he directly forbade the Fathers
from entering the Yakima Reservation. As testament to the Agent’s character,
the memoirs of Paiute Sarah Winnemucca Hopkins, nee Thocmentony Shell Flower, document
her time at the reservation where Wilbur extorted, enslaved and stole from the
Yakama Nation residents under his watch (Hopkins 1883).
Forbidden by Wilbur to
enter the reservation, Father Pandosy was also ordered by Governor Stevens to
leave the territory, and the Church agreed to reassign him (DCBO 2000). He went on to establish missions in the
Okanogan Valley of British Columbia (CRHP). With the suspensions of the
Oblates, contact with their congregation was substantially hampered. The Church
was allowed to rebuild a decade later in 1868, when Yakima’s first apple
orchard was planted by Fathers St. Onge and Boulet on the site in 1872 (Baeder:
3). The mission never fully recovered from the Yakama Wars or the Peace
Policy’s restrictions, and in the early 1880s, St. Joseph’s Mission was closed
(Becker 2003:5285). At the turn of the
century, the Knights of Columbus assumed stewardship of the mission; in 1970 it
was placed on the National Register of Historic Places.
Tale of Two Cities
Although Kamiakin was said to have brought
cattle to Ahtanum in 1840, cattleman Fielding Mortimer Thorp is generally
credited with establishing the first beef herd in Yakima when he drove 250 head
into the valley in 1860. He was the
first non-native, non-missionary settler in what would later become Yakima,
bringing his wife and children in 1861. There is still a small town that bears the
family name in Kittitas Valley on the Yakima River, north of Ellensburg.
In 1863, the Territorial
legislature established Ferguson County, which was replaced two years later by
modern Yakima and Kittitas counties. By 1870, settlers began calling Thorps’
growing settlement at the confluence of the Yakima River and Ahtanum Creek
Yakima City. That same year, it became the county seat, and by 1880, the immigrant
population was 400 in town and 2000 in the area (Kershner 2009: 9187; Becker
2003:5312). In 1883, the Northern Pacific Railroad announced that its Cascade
Branch would bypass Yakima City and build a station four miles to the northwest
of the town, where it had platted a new town-site on railroad land (Oldham 2003: 5237; Schwantes 1996:196).
Some suspected that the railroad was punishing the Yakima City community
for not offering kick-backs to offset costs (Schwantes 1996:196). The official reason given by the railroad was
that the ground was unsuitably boggy and situated in a narrow channel between ridges.
Additionally, they argued that the layout of the town was too random and
unattractive to host their depot (Kershner 2009:9187).
By contrast, North Yakima was planned, in the words of Kershner, “with an eye toward
elegance”. Paul Schulze, the railroad's
land manager, laid out the streets according to the plan of his native city,
Baden-Baden, Germany. The plats even included a site for a new state capitol
(Schwantes 1996:196). Many in Washington expected that with impending
statehood, a central location would be chosen for a new capitol. A few years
later, the contest between Olympia, Ellensburg, North Yakima and several other
towns was indecisive. Before a run-off could be completed Ellensburg suffered a
catastrophic fire July 4, 1889. In the second vote in November of 1890, Olympia
received 37,413 votes, while Ellensburg and North Yakima received 7722 and 6276
(Becker 2005: 7549).
As the Valley residents
came to learn of the plans for a “new”
Yakima, many business owners and established residents protested this heavy-handedness. In response, the Territory
of Washington sued Northern Pacific to force the railroad to establish a
station in Yakima City. Although they
won the case, most businesses believed that the new town-site was the way of
the future, and agreed to let the railroad pay to move their buildings.
However, not everyone agreed with that arrangement; in early 1885, a local
newspaper office was anonymously bombed in the middle of the night, while it
was still on rollers en-route between the two towns (Schwantes 1996:197;
Kershner 2009: 9187). Through the winter and spring of 1884-1885, more than 100
businesses relocated to North Yakima, and in 1886 it became the new county
seat. At the request of the US Postal Service,
in 1918 the State Legislature changed the name of North Yakima to
Yakima, and renamed the original settlement Union Gap (Kershner 2009: 9187).
The new Yakima became a large economic center, while Union Gap went the way of
other by-passed towns. In a recent ironic twist, the core of downtown Yakima
has seen the closing of many major businesses, including Yakima Mall, while
Union Gap now enjoys a renaissance with
a newly renovated shopping center (City of Yakima 2005).
Railroads, Canals and Shenanigans
Between 1890 and 1900 Yakima saw rapid growth, with its population more than
doubling from 1,535 to 3,154 (State of Washington Office of Financial
Management 2011). Most of the valley’s
population was concentrated along the Yakima River, giving farmers the access
they needed to supply their crops with many private or loosely affiliated
ditches. Irrigation engineer Walter N. Granger had worked on several canal
projects in Montana with General John D. McIntyre, a larger-than-life military
officer and mining entrepreneur. In
December 1889, Granger, along with investors from St. Paul, Minnesota organized
the Yakima Land and Canal Company (YLCC), with Granger as president. Included
in this board of investors were Northern Pacific President Thomas Oakes, along
with McIntyre and several officials from the railroad (Becker 2006:7695;
McIntyre et al 1903). The YLCC stock holdings of one million dollars, divided
into 200,000 shares, were used to secure purchase of Yakima Valley land
acquired by the Northern Pacific Railroad. The company, renamed the Northern Pacific, Kittitas, and Yakima
Irrigation Project, created the Sunnyside Canal, Yakima Valley's first
commercial irrigation system (Becker 2006: 7695).
As a requirement of the 1864 Northern Pacific Land Grant, the railroad
had to sell the unused land that it received in federal grants to settlers
within five years of the completion of the rail line; additionally, they were
obliged to transport goods and troops for the government at a reduced rate.
Three months after the survey for the Sunnyside Canal project, Northern Pacific
purchased two-thirds of the Yakima Land and Canal Company's stock. In effect, it legally purchased the improved,
profitable land back from itself, basically acquiring the prime irrigated farm
land as federal grants. In 1892, the Sunnyside Canal Project began operation,
and other private irrigation canals followed. There was no regulation and the potential for overuse (Becker 2006:
7651). As a result of the 1893 Depression, Northern Pacific withdrew from the
Sunnyside Canal Project. In 1900 the Washington Irrigation Company purchased
the Sunnyside Canal, and extended it from Sunnyside to Prosser, in the lower
Yakima Valley.
The Reclamation Act of
1902 was the beginning for federally controlled dam and irrigation projects in
Yakima and the Western states. Under the Yakima Project, the federal government
bought up most of the private irrigation systems and incorporated them. In 1905 the Federal Bureau of Reclamation
purchased the enlarged Sunnyside Canal, and became the Sunnyside Division of
the Yakima Project, authorized in 1905. The Yakima Project was one of the most
ambitious by the Federal Bureau of Reclamation, as one of the largest and
earliest in all the western states, and has been in operation since 1910 with
nearly 2,100 miles of river-fed irrigation canals (Kershner 2009: 9187). The Sunnyside Valley Irrigation District
(SVID) with almost 100,000 acres and the Roza District’s 72,000 acres are
currently the largest of 21 water districts serving the agricultural industry
in Yakima County (GYVCC 2006).
Around the same time as
these infrastructural improvements, other signals of the turning century’s new
face of progress appeared. North Yakima was wired for electricity in 1906, and
began operating the Yakima Interurban Trolley System the same year (Kershner 2009: 9187). The population more than quadrupled between
1900 and 1910, a trend that leveled off to an increase of about 4500 people per
decade. The 1990s saw an increase of
approximately 30 percent, from 54,843 to 71,845 (State of Washington Office of
Financial Management 2011), and again in 2010 when the
population rose to over 91,000, with a metropolitan population of
243,231 (US Census Bureau 2011). Jobs for these residents are found mostly in agriculture
and social services, including city, county, tribal and federal facilities. The
region’s hospital and healthcare centers are concentrated in Yakima, and in
2005 ranked as the area’s number one employer. Among the top 20 largest employers,
government makes up two-thirds of the jobs (GYCC 2006).
Growing in Agriculture
In 1887, when Henry Pinchwell set out five acres of fruit trees, he established
the first commercial orchard in the Yakima Valley, about 15 years after the
planting of the first commercial vineyards and hops (Becker 2003: 5274, 5356).
Yakima’s prominence as an agricultural giant cannot be overstated; in many
ways, it exceeds the output of southern California’s region, and remains the
single largest producer of many export crops. According to the Greater Yakima
Chamber of Commerce, it is the “most diversified agricultural project in the
world, and also one of the most productive, earning it the title, the Fruit
Bowl of the Nation”. As of 2002,
over 1.6 million acres were under cultivation in the area (GYVCC 2006; Becker
2006: 7651). Yakima County is a leading global producer of apples, hops, mint,
and asparagus, and is also known for its stone fruits. Peppers, corn and beans are important crops
and alfalfa, timothy, sugar beets and potatoes are widely grown. The beer and wine industries are still well
represented by the region’s vineyards and hop fields (Kershner 2009: 9187;
GYVCC 2006). The Yakima Valley produces 77 percent of all the hops grown
nationwide, with the balance being grown in Oregon and Idaho. Two-thirds of the
total Yakima hop production is sold to export markets (Knight 2008). Several of
Yakima’s largest employers are agribusiness giants, with jobs in picking,
planting, processing and packing. These employment statistics do not accurately
reflect the other smaller farms, fields and plants that also make up the bulk
of field and agricultural processing employers, nor do they reflect the number
of seasonal or undocumented workers who find employment each year in the
greater Yakima Valley, earning their way as modern-day Bindle-stiffs (Schwantes 1996: 330).
Culture Clashes and International Workings
In the early days of the West, tensions
between Japanese-American farmers and their Euro-American counterparts existed in
many communities, and in the Valley it was no different. In the 1920s, only 8
percent of agricultural land leases held in Yakima were by Japanese-Americans,
yet strong resentment existed among the Euro-American community that the
Japanese were encroaching on the “white’s farmland” (Mercier 2006). This
feeling was common throughout the West, where a history of anti-Asian sentiment
prevailed. The implementation of the 1923 Alien Property Act in Oregon
prohibited ownership or lease of land by Japanese, and like similar laws
already on the books in Washington and Idaho, foreshadowed things to come
(Schwantes 1996: 377).
In December of 1941, the
US entered WWII, and forced relocation of Japanese-Americans began in the
spring of 1942 under President F.D. Roosevelt’s Executive Order 9066. Americans
with as little as 1/16 Japanese heritage were summarily stripped of homes,
jobs, businesses, investments, bank accounts and real property before being
imprisoned in ten concentration camps throughout the inland west. In
Washington, any persons of Japanese descent living west of the Columbia River
were removed; 843 Japanese-Americans from the Yakima Valley were sent to Heart
Mountain, Wyoming, where the camp’s population peaked at over 10,000 (HMWF;
Mercier 2006; Wheeler 2011). The sentiment among white farmers of the time is
well illustrated by the following two quotes. Austin E. Anson of the Salinas
Vegetable Grower-Shipper Association (SVGSA) in a 1942 interview in the
Saturday Evening Post said, “White American farmers admitted that their
self-interest required removal of the Japanese,” (Taslitz 2002: 2257, 2306-7). A less restrained and more descriptive teswtimony came from Toyosaburo Korematsu v. United States, a court challenge to the constitutionality of Executive Order 9066 in the US Supreme Court (Murphy 1944):
“We're charged with wanting to get rid of the Japs
for selfish reasons. We do.
It's a question of whether the white
man lives on the Pacific Coast or the brown
men. They came into this valley to
work, and they stayed to take over... If all the
Japs were removed tomorrow, we'd never
miss them in two weeks, because the
white farmers can take over and
produce everything the Jap grows. And we do
not want them back when the war ends,
either.”
In 1988, President Reagan presented a formal
apology to the Japanese-American community at large, and the federal government
issued financial reparations to survivors and their families.
A strong Hispanic
presence in the Yakima Valley shows the complicated relationship between
agribusiness and immigration policy, and reasons for Yakima’s distinct
demographics can be traced to events following the Great Depression and the
onset of World War II. With the onset of the Great Depression, this group suffered a
similar situation to Yakima’s Japanese-Americans, but on a larger scale, and
without reconciliation. In the ten years between the Stock Market Crash and
1939, as many as 2 million Hispanic-Americans were coerced or forcibly expelled
from the US under Hoover’s Mexican Repatriation Act. Up to 60% of Los Repatriados were native born US
citizens, some not even Spanish speakers or of Mexican descent (Block 2006;
Koch 2006). The coinciding relocations of Japanese and Hispanic-Americans
during this time combined with the military draft and mass enlistment during
WWII caused severe labor shortages in the US, and the agriculture business was
hit especially hard.
In 1942, a joint
agreement of the US and Mexican governments began the Bracero worker exchange program to meet the needs of Industry. From
1942 to 1964, an estimated 4.5 million workers participated in the exchange
which was described by Lee G. Williams, the Department of Labor officer for the
program as “legalized slavery… nothing but a way for big
corporate farms to get a cheap labor supply from Mexico under government sponsorship”
(Worker 2007; SPLC 2006:6). Deplorable housing, food and work conditions were
normal, as were the living expenses that were deducted from workers’ pay. Rates
much lower than prevailing or minimum wage were customary, although this was in
violation of official policy. Additionally, a deduction similar to Social
Security was taken from laborers’ pay and transferred directly to the Mexican
Government as an incentive for workers to return to Mexico; sadly, when workers
attempted to collect this pension, the Mexican government denied its existence.
Several Braceros and their survivors
have attempted to recoup the funds through the Mexican courts with little
results.
After the end of the Bracero program,
increased Labor activism became a central social issue within the Hispanic
community, and strides made by unions helped to improve standards and
conditions in agricultural work. By the 1970s, more farms provided the basic required
conditions that groups like the United Farm Workers helped to enact. The UFW
remains a force for farm-workers’ rights, and its efforts to create a safer
workplace are ongoing today. After generations of travelling the migrant
circuit between California, Oregon and Washington, many Mexicans and
Mexican-Americans have put roots in Eastern Washington, mostly in the Yakima
Valley. Yakima County’s cultural make up is unique among Washington State,
having by far the largest percentage of residents who consider themselves to be
Latino or Hispanic. In the 2000 census, a full third of Yakima County’s
population was listed as Hispanic or Latino, over four times the state average
of 7.5 percent (Kershner 2009: 9187).
Today, H-2 Work Visas are
issued to foreign workers, and abuses under this contemporary system are
strikingly similar to the labor and living conditions under the Bracero program. It is more the norm
than the exception that workers will borrow funds from their promised employers
to pay for travel expenses and visa “fees”, into the thousands of dollars.
These loans are deducted from future earnings with interest. Many spend the
majority of their time in the US indentured to their employers, virtually wage
slaves. Much like Williams’ words on the Bracero
program decades earlier, House Ways and Means Committee Chairman Charles
Rangel is quoted as saying: "This guest-worker program's the closest thing
I've ever seen to slavery,” (SPJC 2006). Nine out of 10 migrant workers come to
the US from Latin America, with three-fourths of those H-2 visas issued to
Mexicans. (SPLC 2006: 16). The low
prices enjoyed by US consumers are the result of the economic structures in place
that help to subsidize the agribusiness markets. Much in the way that the railroads
and water companies worked with the federal government to shape the Yakima
Valley, so do the factory farms of today in Yakima use the federal government
to maximize their profits.
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<
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